November 21, 2005 20:38 | by
Steve McGiffen
Most of the media is blind to the real reasons for social
tension in France - and there is more to come, says Steve McGiffen
BEGINNING on the outskirts of cities, violent rebellion has now
reached the centres of Paris and Lyon. Perhaps, by the time that
you read this, it will have blown over. Or perhaps it will have
flared up again, affecting other cities. One thing is certain, however.
The realities of life for those involved will remain substantially
unchanged.
The systematic social exclusion which is the real root of the problem
is not, moreover, some peculiarly French phenomenon. Unless something
is done to reverse the political direction in which much of the
world has been dragged over the last two decades, the kind of resistance
that we have seen in France in recent weeks will become global.
As a socialist who believes in mass organisation as the basic tool
of progress, I would prefer it were otherwise, that resistance would
take other forms. Unfortunately, as the young people of France's
blighted ghettos can now see, conventional forms of resistance have
been tried and have failed, while the wave of destruction which
we are seeing has focused the minds of political leaders across
the board.
Whether they are being called "scum" by the racist Interior
Minister Nicolas Sarkozy or promised improvements by President Jacques
Chirac, they are at least not being ignored. They know that, for
30 years, no effort has been made by governments of either centre-right
or centre-left to offer a future to people of Arab or African descent,
people who are systematically excluded from employment and decent
housing and who are the target of daily racist abuse from the police
and others in authority.
As in Britain, workers from colonies and former colonies were encouraged
to migrate to the imperial centre in the years of reconstruction
which followed the war. Unlike in Britain, the majority were not
offered citizenship and many remain dependent on residency permits
which, as we have seen in the Sarkozy's plans to expel "rioters"
who are "foreign" - many of whom were actually born in
France - can be withdrawn at will.
In Britain, newly arrived immigrants generally moved into substandard
housing from which it was difficult for them to escape. More than
a half a century after the beginning of mass migration from the
Caribbean and the Indian subcontinent, people whose origins lie
in these areas continue to occupy relatively poor accommodation.
In France, however, exclusion from better housing has been visibly
more systematic. On their arrival, immigrants were herded into high-rise
estates which had been custom-built for them and which lacked all
but the most basic amenities. They and their children and grandchildren
are still there, while the amenities have, if anything, deteriorated.
The work which they came to do has dwindled away, so that people
of colour make up a hugely disproportionate section of the unemployed,
the precariously employed and the very low-paid.
Yet, while the mainstream media abroad seem to be almost gleefully
asking why this should have happened in France, they would be much
better occupied in looking to their own societies.
As the Dutch left socialist leader Jan Marijnissen asked his own
country's interior minister last week, isn't it just possible that
what's responsible is the collection of policies which lead to unemployment
benefit systems that assume that workless youths are shirkers? Or
annual rounds of tax cuts for the rich? Or the scaling back of socially
funded training opportunities, youth clubs, sports centres, restaurants,
libraries, evening classes, public transport and a host of other
facilities? Sounds familiar, doesn't it? Because the fact is that,
driven on by the European Union's neoliberal dictatorship, such
policies are being pursued not just by France or the Netherlands
but by almost every government in all 25 member states.
As Marijnissen said, "If you lay a fire in the hearth, you
shouldn't be surprised if it goes up in flames."
That fire has been set in every country which has submitted to this
dictatorship and with inflammable materials supplied wholesale from
Brussels and Frankfurt.
Unless this dictatorship is successfully resisted, unless we of
the left are able to show that such resistance is possible and that
alternatives exist, it is likely that this fire will burn fiercely
throughout the continent and beyond. It will not, moreover, spare
those countries which have not seen mass immigration. The existence
of socially excluded ethnic minorities merely means that neoliberalism's
consequences take a particular form.
People of all colours and creeds, perhaps especially young people,
have a number of needs which cannot be met by an iPod, a mobile
phone - even one with a personalised ringtone - or any other new
toy, though it can rankle when you can't afford things which you
have been told carry the keys to happiness. Nor can these needs
be met by promises of a better world beyond the grave, though even
the ultimately divisive solidarity that religion can bring can sometimes
appear to make up for the absence of the real thing.
The needs to which I am referring are the need for hope, the need
to feel that one is contributing to and being nurtured by something
bigger than oneself, something open to all of us, and the need to
dream, not as a means of escape, but as a way of visualising a future
which is attainable, one better than the present in which we live.
Fifty years ago, the poet Langston Hughes asked a rhetorical question
about dreams.
He was referring in particular to his own African-American people
and to Harlem, their ghetto in New York City. But he might have
been talking about Clichy-sous-Bois or any number of areas of cities
in Britain, the Netherlands or almost any other country.
"What happens to a dream deferred?" asked Hughes's poem.
"Does it dry up like a raisin in the sun?/Or fester like a
sore - /And then run? Does it stink like rotten meat? Or crust and
sugar over - /like a syrupy sweet?/Maybe it just sags/like a heavy
load./Or does it explode?"
Steve McGiffen edits spectrezine. His latest book, a new and updated
edition of The European Union: A Critical Guide, has just been published
by Pluto Press. He lives in France. This article first appeared
in the UK socialist daily, The Morning Star. Read more about the
Star here
See also:
http://www.spectrezine.org/europe/Reichel5.htm