December 19, 2006 10:56 | by
Steve McGiffen
An examination of disturbing developments among Japan's political
rulers
"Aspiring sincerely to an international peace based on justice
and order, the Japanese people forever renounce war..." Words
which "no longer fit the times"?
Before its defeat in World War II, Japan had reached a position
in which it was one of the most militarily powerful nations in the
world. This was a considerable achievement, given the fact that
it remained, until quite late in the 19th century, a technologically
backward, isolated country whose rulers resisted any attempt at
economic development. A highly reactionary elite feared, quite rightly,
that industrialisation would create new social forces that would
undermine its power.
Then, in 1869, in an event known as the Meiji Restoration, a group
of modernisers defeated the established power and began the process
which would see Japan come to rival the great powers of Europe and
north America in industrial and military might. Indeed, Japan may
have been the only nation whose impulse to industrialisation came
consciously - and almost exclusively - from a desire to create powerful
armed forces. The result was that the Japanese, while they became
one of a handful of non-white peoples to escape colonisation by
imperialist powers, themselves developed their country into an aggressively
imperialist force.
Defeat in World War II destroyed Japan as a military power and
discredited those who had made militarisation for so long the country's
priority. It did not, however, prevent its emergence as a major
economic power.
It is a paradox that two of the three globally dominant nations
of the post-war period were prevented, following their defeat, from
developing the kind of armed might which Marxist theorists, including
Lenin, had seen as an inevitable corollary of imperialism. In common
with West Germany, Japan was encouraged to develop a powerful industrial
economy at the same time as it was forbidden to transform its growing
economic muscle into military might. Instead of an army, it was
allowed to maintain only a "self-defence force."
At the time, it suited Washington's global policy to create these
buffers against the influence of its cold war "enemies."
Times change and, with them, the perceived needs of the US ruling
class. It has been obvious for some time that barriers to German
rearmament are weakening, though the militarisation of the European
Union may make any overt change to Germany's pacifistic constitution
unnecessary.
Japan has no such alternative. The result is that the constitution,
having been flouted in the sending of troops to participate in a
faraway war, is now under threat.
The specific target is Article 9, which has two clauses, as follows:
1) Aspiring sincerely to an international peace based on justice
and order, the Japanese people forever renounce war as a sovereign
right of the nation and the threat or use of force as means of settling
international disputes;
2) In order to accomplish the aim of the preceding paragraph, land,
sea and air forces, as well as other war potential, will never be
maintained. The right of belligerency of the state will not be recognised.
According to Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, these inspiring words "no
longer fit the times."
In October, the Japanese House of Representatives special committee
for research on the constitution began discussion on bills separately
submitted by the government and the spineless opposition Democratic
Party to establish the procedure for a national referendum on constitutional
revision. The bills would make constitutional revision easier to
accomplish, perhaps with as few as 30 per cent of the electorate
voting in favour.
Public money will be disproportionately available to supporters
of revision, because the rules state that it will be distributed
according to the number of members that parties have in the parliament.
The only party of any size which opposes revision is the Communist
Party. To see how undemocratic such a rule can be, you only have
to look at what happened last year in France and the Netherlands,
where, despite the support of almost every political party, the
electorate voted to reject the proposed European constitution.
These steps take place in a worrying climate in which militarism,
for so long discredited, is becoming increasingly respectable. Foreign
Minister Taro Aso has repeatedly gone so far as to propose that
the country, which has more cause than any other to know what the
consequences of this can be, should debate developing atomic weapons.
Self-defence force troops have participated in UN peacekeeping
operations in the Indian Ocean and Iraq, with the Japanese government
claiming that it had imposed rules of engagement which ensured compliance
with the constitution.
Opposing the remilitarisation of Japan is not about reviving ideas
of the Japanese people as a dangerously warlike race. Just as the
real meaning of the EU's desire for its own army is that it reflects
a newly aggressive phase of imperialism, attempts to untie the hands
of Japanese armed forces must be seen in the context of an increasingly
dangerous world and one in which "stability" is more and
more openly defined as "control by the United States and its
allies."
Steve McGiffen is editor of Spectrezine. To keep up with developments
in Japan, Spectrezine recommends Japan
Press Weekly, an English-language website linked to the Japanese
Communist Party's mass-circulation daily Akahata. This article was
first published in the Morning
Star
See also
http://www.spectrezine.org/EastAsia/Manning.htm