April 2, 2008 8:59 |
by Steve McGiffen
looking at the way the EU's mania for privatisation is standing
in the way of a solution to the growing crisis of water supply in
Europe and beyond.
The Morning Star recently reported the outrage caused in Britain
by the official regulator Ofwat's approval of increased sewage and
water bills. Averaging 5.8%, or over £300, they will hit pensioners
and others on low incomes hard. Some areas, including North Wales
- a region hardly famed for its arid climate - will see bills rise
even more.
What people rightly angered by this profiteering may not have known
was that this was far from being a purely British phenomenon. It
is, in fact, part of a world-wide water-grab being conducted by
major corporations, aided by the usual suspects, the International
Monetary Fund and the European Union.
The IMF imposes privatisation of essential services on any country
desperate enough to go to it for a loan, or seeking debt relief.
The EU is attempting to force developing countries to open their
services markets to European corporate investment as it negotiates
trade deals.
Known as 'Economic Partnership Agreements' (EPAs) these seek to
impose 'free trade' on poorer countries, making it impossible for
them to develop manufacturing and processing industries in the face
of foreign competition. In addition, the EU is determined to push
countries into removing restrictions on foreign (for which read
corporate) investment, including in service sectors. As is the case
within Europe, publicly-owned service providers will simply be classed
as monopolies, and any attempt to defend or improve them as supporting
a restrictive monopoly practice.
Since the late 1980s, the European Commission has turned a jaundiced
eye on publicly-owned companies of all kinds. In its ultra-liberalising
view a public service which is owned by the people is no different
to any other monopoly. The fact that Belgium, for example, has a
legal bar on privatising water is, in this way of seeing things,
merely a 'restraint of trade', as it prevents private companies
from competing for contracts within the sector. Belgium can no longer
claim that this is Belgium's business and if any other country doesn't
like it they can lump it.
This is an exclusion whose days are numbered.
As a result of EU rules implicit in the 1957 Treaty of Rome, first
made explicit thirty years later in the Single European Act and
intensified with every new European treaty since, a foreign water
privateer such as the French Vivendi has the right to muscle in
on the Belgian 'market' for water, and it is only a matter of time
before someone insists on exercising that right. The facts that
privatisation of water does not deliver what it claims to, and that
the Belgian people might like the current arrangements or want to
decide for themselves how they might be improved, are, in the EU's
view, irrelevant.
Fortunately, reality is having its say. In France - the lair of
the water privateers - around forty local authorities, including
Paris, have taken water back into public ownership in the last decade.
A rash of privatisations had followed the introduction of a new
law in 1992. A few years of experience of rising prices and deteriorating
levels of service were enough for most French people, however, and
while French corporations scour the world looking for water to grab,
France itself is turning away from this bogus "solution".
As well as trade negotiations, the EU organises the theft of the
people's property outside Europe through the European Union Water
Initiative (EUWI). This makes it clear that the EU sees its prime
responsibility as being to EU-based corporations, rather than to
people in developing countries lacking access to clean, usable water.
The fact that water is a necessity makes it, in the Commission's
worldview, a great business opportunity, rather than a human right.
The 1.4 billion people in the world who are without clean water
and the 2.5 billion without even basic sanitation are potential
sources of profit. The Millennium Development Goal of halving these
numbers by 2015 becomes simply a commitment to line the pockets
of corporate shareholders.
The fact is, in rich countries or poor, there is no way to make
a service provider committed to delivering wholesome water and effective
sanitation to every home into a profitable business. This is why,
in common with other vital services such as public transport and
postal delivery, it was in public ownership in the first place.
Privatisation is simply another way of transferring public wealth
into private pockets. This is as true in Africa as it is in Accrington.
Where a population is relatively wealthy, as in Britain, the money
will come direct from the people's pockets, in the form not only
of raised prices but also in the taxes needed to cover the subsidies
which are in reality the only source of 'profit' for the privateers.
Where the people are too poor to pay up, one of two things will
happen. Services will improve, if at all, only for the rich. Or
exceptions may be found in urban areas, but only if development
monies which originate with those same taxpayers in Europe and other
wealthier parts of the world cover the costs, and then some. The
market can deliver only to those who can pay. The poor will not
get water, being too poor to pay for it, unless someone else pays
for them.
25 million people a year die as a result of water-related diseases.
Most readers would, I hope, be only too happy to see some of their
taxes go to addressing the stark inequalities which lie behind these
wasted lives. Lining the pockets of Vivendi's shareholders, however,
is likely to be less popular.
The real solution is, of course, to use our development monies,
our power as a trading bloc and our long experience and accumulated
expertise to work with those communities and public utilities in
developing countries which are really trying to solve this most
fundamental of problems.
Partnerships between public utilities in Europe and developing
countries - known as PUPs - to share expertise and improve service;
innovative thinking such as the small solidarity levy paid by customers
of Milan's publicly-owned water company; and a concerted effort
to achieve and go beyond the UN's Millennium Development Goal are
what will help to end the thirst, hunger and disease which are the
results of inadequate water supply and sanitation.
Steve McGiffen is editor of Spectre and writes monthly column
for the
Morning Star, where this article first appeared.
See also http://www.spectrezine.org/global/Water.htm