Flexicurity,
false promises, and the EU's renamed Constitution
March 18, 2008 18:56 | by
Brian Denny
Brian Denny argues that the EU is dedicated to privatisation and
the biggest attack on British workers' rights for a generation
A number of recent events have clarified the true nature of the European
Union and probably shattered many illusions. At the end of last year,
the European Commission adopted a draft health services directive
designed to create a "market" in healthcare. This followed
numerous judgments on the subject at the European Court of Justice.
It constitutes a direct attack on the principles of the National Health
Service.
The directive was introduced after healthcare was removed from the
services directive, which is designed to remove all barriers in service
provision and speed up the creation of an internal market within the
EU.
Britain's railways suffered a similar fate when they were privatised
by the Tories according to EU Directive 91/440. This stipulated the
separation of track and operations in order to create a "market".
In early December, the European Court of Justice ruled in the Viking
and Vaxholm cases that taking strike action was not, after all, a
fundamental right under EU rules.
Also in December, the renamed EU constitution was rubber-stamped to
great fanfare in Portugal with the new title of the "Lisbon treaty".
EU leaders also adopted the curious word "flexicurity" as
a concept.
Combined, these events represent the greatest threat to trade unionism,
democracy and social progress since the Second World War.
"Flexicurity" makes the false promise that, if workers embrace
"flexibility", job "security" will follow. Surely
this is a contradiction in terms.
The architects of "flexicurity" consist of the European
Commission and corporate lobbyists such as the European Round Table
of industrialists. The concept is designed to fatally undermine collective
bargaining.
It demands the abolition of "overtly protective terms and conditions"
in contracts which supposedly "deter employers from hiring during
economic upturns". In plain language, this would mean an end
to workers' collective rights.
According to the EU: "Stringent employment protection tends to
reduce the dynamism of the labour market." So, presumably, without
unions there would be a permanent economic boom.
Unite (1) joint general secretary Derek Simpson was right when he
said that the concept of flexicurity "hides behind the language
of equality to propose measures to force exploitation and insecurity
on to every worker in Europe"
As the biggest trade union in Cyprus, PEO, recently declared, flexicurity
represents "a very dangerous attempt to smash existing labour
laws and gains", increasing the trend towards "casual uninsured
jobs".
PEO's view is that: "The changes being sought are aimed in reality
at easing labour protection rules, the abolition of full and steady
employment as well as the marginalisation of collective agreements."
An EU green paper promoting flexicurity said that contractor obligations
to monitor employment law among sub-contractors "may serve to
restrain sub-contracting by foreign firms and present an obstacle
to the free provision of services in the internal market".
It is no coincidence that both the Viking and Vaxholm judgements in
the European Court of Justice attack trade union collective bargaining
rights in Scandinavian countries, where they are enshrined both in
law and in the constitution. This is the social model which is most
at odds with the EU where the "smooth operation of the market"
overrides any other rights or considerations.
In the Viking and Vaxholm cases, Swedish and Finnish unions sought
to prevent companies paying foreign labour up to 60 per cent lower
wages.
According to the European Court ruling, while there is a "fundamental"
right to take collective industrial action, such action represents
a restriction on the right of freedom of establishment where it makes
the exercise of that right "less attractive".
But industrial action is, by its very nature, an obstacle to the activities
of a company and free movement.
However, the European Court has now declared in that EU rules on the
free movement of goods, services, capital and labour gives private
firms protection against collective action by trade unions. In other
words, an employer's right to "freedom of establishment"
trumps the right to strike.
Richard Arthur of Thompson's, the trade union solicitors, described
the European Court's rulings as "absurd" and "ludicrous"
ones which would run roughshod over universally recognised union rights.
In fact, Arthur says this is worse than the anti-union laws Britain
already has.
"Tory anti-union legislation only restricted the right to strike
by introducing stringent procedures in order to carry out industrial
action. However, the European Court of Justice has now given itself
the opportunity to scrutinise the legitimacy and the proportionality
of any given dispute and the effect on the employer."
No one should be surprised. Many years ago, in another ruling, the
European Court of Justice stated that: "It is well established
in the case law of the court that restrictions may be imposed on the
exercise of fundamental rights, in particular in the context of a
common organisation of the market."
So the human right of withdrawing your labour must not interfere with
the "common organisation of the market".
Such rulings are reminiscent of the infamous judgment in 1901 in favour
of the Taff Vale Railway against the Amalgamated Society of Railway
Servants for having the audacity to go on strike. The "crime"
then was known as being "in restraint of trade". Today,
it is called "freedom of establishment".
Under the renamed EU constitution, currently being scrutinised in
Parliament, an EU institution - the European Court of Justice - would
gain huge new powers over member states.
The constitution also gives the EU a permanent neo-liberal orientation,
while Brussels will gain the power to privatise - the main reason
for the "No" votes on the constitution in referendums in
France and the Netherlands. This was also the reason why TUC delegates
voted against the constitution in 2005 and why the TUC renewed its
call for a referendum on in 2007.
Under Article III-147 of the old constitution, the EU would be given
powers to enforce privatisation in any area of economic activity.
"A European framework law shall establish the measures in order
to achieve the liberalisation of a specific service". This provision
remains under the reform treaty - which is basically the constitution
with another name.
That is why flexicurity, EU court judgments and EU rules on "free
movement" - all enshrined in the renamed EU constitution - represent
the most fundamental attacks on working people for a generation.
If there is a European social model it is enshrined in flexicurity,
European Court rulings and mass privatisation. It should be rejected
along with the renamed constitution.
Brian Denny is spokesman for Trade Unionists Against the EU Constitution.
This article first appeared in the Britsh weekly Tribune.
(1)Unite is a major UK trade union.
See also http://www.spectrezine.org/europe/BrianDenny3.htm
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