A short
guide to its key features
"The capstone
of a European Federal State" was how Belgian Prime Minster Guy Verhofstadt described the EU Constitution
following its agreement on Friday, 18th June, writes Anthony
Coughlan of the Irish National Platform.
In response, the National Platform, which intends to
produce a more detailed analysis in the coming weeks, has prepared
this brief commentary.
Eleven points on the Constitution
1. The EU Constitution
is a plan for a more centralised, more unequal and more undemocratic
EU, further removed from ordinary citizens and more under the
control of the political elites of the big member states, especially
Germany and France. We say: Yes to democracy, No to an EU Constitution;
Yes to Europe, No to an EU State.
2. Up to now
the European Union has been based on treaties between its
Members. It has
been the creation of its Member States and could not exist without
them. The Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe sets
up what is legally and constitutionally a new EU, founded in effect
on its own State Constitution.
It makes the EU an international actor in its own right, with
legal personality and an independent corporate existence for
the first time, separate from and superior to its Member States,
negotiating and signing treaties with foreign States on behalf
of its Members, who
will no longer sign treaties in any area covered by the EU.
Citizens want their countries to be politically independent,
run by governments that are responsible to them. They do not want their
countries to become
provinces of a centralised EU State whose policies are decided
by supranational committees, the European Commission, Council
and Court of Justice, which are run by undemocratic elites that
are not elected by citizens or collectively under their control.
3. The "Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe"
repeals all the existing EU/EC treaties from the Treaty of Rome
to the Treaty of Nice and incorporates
their main elements into the EU State Constitution. An opportunity
has been missed to re-assess those elements and remedy some of
the things that are wrong with the EU, for example the Common
Agricultural Policy, the Common Fisheries Policy, Euratom, the
endless Brussels rules and regulations. The Constitution
does not do this.
4. The peoples of Europe have not sought this EU Constitution. Giscard
d'Estaing's Convention that drafted it failed to carry out the
terms of reference it
was given by the EU Governments in the Laeken Declaration.
This called for "more democracy, transparency and efficiency"
in the EU, reforms that would bring the EU "closer to citizens"
and the possibility of restoring tasks to the Member States."
The Constitution does not propose
restoring a single power from Brussels to the Member
States. Rather, it
moves important powers the other way.
5. Article I-10 of the Constitution says: "The Constitution,
and law adopted by the Union's Institutions in exercising competences
conferred on it, shall have primacy over the law of the Member
States." This has never
been stated in an EU treaty before. Moreover, it applies to
all areas of government, not just the mainly economic areas covered by previous
EC/EU treaties. This removes the national democracy and political
independence of the Member States. Constitutionally and politically
they become like provinces
of an EU State, with
their national Constitutions and laws made
subordinate to the EU Constitution and laws.
6. The Constitution replaces
the system of weighted votes for making EU laws that has existed since the 1957 Treaty
of Rome by a new system in
which laws would be made by a majority of States as long
as they contain some two-thirds of the EU's total population. This advantages the
big States with their big populations. It gives greater power
to Germany and France,
which have over one-third of the population of the enlarged
EU between them. It would lead to far more EU laws being passed, more
centralisation in Brussels and less power for national parliaments
and the citizens that elect them. It means less democracy, not
more.
7. The Constitution abolishes national control and the national veto
in some 30 new policy
areas. They include civil and criminal law and procedure, asylum and immigration, Europol
and Eurojust, structural funds,commercial
treaties dealing with services, culture. People do not want
the EU to have more powers, just after the Treaty of Nice and the Treaty
of Amsterdam have given
it so much more already. They showed that by massive abstention
in the European Parliament elections in June, and the election
of many Euro-critics to the Parliament.
8. The Constitution abolishes the rotating six-monthly EU presidencies
which give each Member State a role in running the EU
and replaces them with a five-year Political President, like
an ordinary State. It establishes an EU Foreign Minister and
diplomatic service, separate from those of its Member States,
as well as an EU Public Prosecutor able to
prosecute people across national boundaries.
9. The Constitution forbids
Member States to operate an independent foreign policy. Article I-15 says "Member States shall actively
and unreservedly support
the Union's common foreign and security policy in a spirit
of loyalty and mutual solidarity and shall comply with the acts
adopted by the Union in this area."
One can show "loyalty" only to what
is superior, in this case the EU. The Constitution envisages
an EU military alliance
and common defence, which would cut across the obligations of
the EU's NATO members,
while ending the neutrality of its non-NATO ones.
The Nice Treaty's provision that the progressive framing of a common
defence policy "might lead to a common defence, should the European Council so decide"
becomes "Will lead to a common defence, when the European Council, acting unanimously, so decides." There
has been no demand from citizens for
this.
10.
The Constitution greatly extends the scope and competence of
the EU by giving its
Court of Justice in Luxembourg the power to determine the
fundamental rights of EU citizens, overriding national
Constitutions and Supreme
Courts, as well as the Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg.
It does this by making the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights
legally binding in EU law. This would bring the EU Court into
virtually every area of life and society; for human rights issues arise everywhere
- the right the life, family
law, property rights,
labour law, health and education, religion
etc. Human rights standards are not so defective in the
EU Member States that
they would be improved by giving final power to decide them
to the EU Court. In
some sensitive areas there are differences in rights standards
among EU countries - e.g. preventive detention, trial
by jury, narcotics, abortion,
euthanasia. Should the EU Court be empowered to lay down
a uniform standard for
such matters across Europe?
This proposal has more to do with power than rights,
for the case-law of the EU Court shows that it seeks continually
to extend the EU's power into ever wider areas. The EU should respect human rights. It should
not be given power to decide our
rights.
11. The EU
Constitution makes a liberal market economy, maximization of economic competition, laissez-faire, free movement of capital and
the privatization of
public services into constitutional principles that are immune to legal challenge because of the superiority of EU law over
national law. National Constitutions do not seek to pre-empt
society's social policy and economic choices in the way the EU Constitution
does. In normal democratic societies discussion of such matters and the choice
of alternative futures
are the stuff of public debate and contention between
political parties, and are not laid down as part of the
fundamental law of the
State, as in the EU Constitution.