When countries from East and Central Europe joined the European
Union, it was celebrated with honours. The official ideology of
the East as well as of the West called it the end of European
division. Actually, even a superficial knowledge of geography
will demonstrate it is not true. Several European countries were
left waiting their turn for entrance (in the best traditions of
the Soviet bloc). Turkey, Ukraine and Serbia can expect to be
invited only theoretically. Norway has firmly rejected joining
the EU though it has been politely invited. And Russia stands
apart, having not been invited and asserting it can remain the
Great Power without the EU.
Divisions between those who come as a part of the European Union
and those who stand temporarily or permanently outside its borders
have replaced the continents old division into East and
West. But this is only one of the divisions of modern Europe.
There is also the differentiation between those who entered the
Euro zone and those who were excluded or declined to join, between
citizens of the Schengen zone and those who remain visitors of
the second type, even where they legally cross the borders; and
then, of course, there is the division between rich and poor countries.
After EU enlargement , Europes division into East and West
is reproduced inside this bloc rather than disappearing altogether.
George W. Bush picked up on this controversy when he spoke about
"Old" and "New" Europe. "Old" Europe
is trying to unite around France and Germany in resisting the
United States or, at least, to secure maximum independence from
the American superpower. "New" Europe, on the contrary,
follows Washington. The levels of anti-American sentiment in this
part of the world could never reach those of Canada. Bush was
too fast to enlist the Poles, Slovaks and Lithuanians in the ranks
of his followers.
Nevertheless, it is not that the citizens of Eastern Europe idealise
the US as "the centre of the free world", after living
so many years under communist ideology. Considerable parts of
societies in Poland, Hungary, Latvia and Estonia view the war
in Iraq with criticism. The point is that politicians and elite
circles in East Europe are less willing to listen to public sentiments
than their counterparts in the West. Formally, all EU countries
are democratic. The degrees of democracy in "Old" and
"New" Europe, however, are very different.
The ideologues of the ruling class explain that the differences
will be smoothed over in time, referring to the experience of
the EU enlargement to encompass Spain, Portugal and Greece more
or less successfully. At that time, however, the European Union
was a different formation from what it is today. The US was interested
in successful results of the expansion, rather than seeing it
as a threat. The West was united in its confrontation with the
East. Most importantly, Western Europe of that time was in favour
of keeping social-democratic institutions to a major extent, both
nationally and international levels. The modern neo-liberal European
Union, however, is gradually and successfully dismantling these
institutions. The core idea of the modern "continental integration"
project lies precisely in the final demolition of social democratic
institutions and the Americanisation of society.
Under the market economy, the gaps and controversies among countries
can only increase. The ruling classes of "New" Europe
are looking to the US, not because of sentimental memories of
the assistance that American imperialism provided opponents of
communism, but because co-operation with Washington allows them
to compensate for economic weaknesses by political means.
The process of entering the single market has already started
to negatively affect the economies of new members. Third league
teams ordered to compete equally with the World Champions are
relegated to the role of scapegoats. They are objects of economic
colonisation, sources of cheap labour and new markets. Even their
financial resources will serve capital accumulation in the west,
instead of being gathered for the benefit of their own countries.
But rich westerners will also be disappointed; not only because
they have to carry the burden of the Unions expansion, but
also because their neo-liberal system hits absolutely everyone.
Some shots turn out to be more painful than others, but everybody
hurts.
Finally, it is social division, not territorial division which
is most important. These are the divisions between rich and poor,
between citizens and non citizens, between "native
populations" more or less protected by law, and immigrants
who are not. But these divisions also give us hope for unification.
The ruling elites of "Old" and "New" Europe
are less able to consolidate their power than they had hoped a
few years ago. The dominant classes of Russia and Ukraine are
torn by internal controversies. At the same time, the masses of
subject and working people of the continent have common interests
in rejecting neo-liberalism and authoritarianism through mutual
efforts.
The European Social Forum could become the embodiment of this
unity. Until now, it has been the meeting place of left activists,
representatives of social movements and non-governmental organisations.
The future needs unified actions. Solidarity requires not only
ideology, but also action.This is the way we will find real unification
of the continent.
Boris Kagarlitsky works as a senior research fellow at the Institute
of Comparative Political Studies at the Russian Academy of Sciences.
He is the author of The Thinking Reed, The Dialectic of Hope,
and The Mirage of Modernisation. When in 1987-88 non-Communist
Party political activities became legal, he was among the first
leaders of the so-called "informal groups" the Federation
of Socialist Public Clubs and later a coordinator of the Moscow
People's Front. In 1990 he was elected to the Moscow Soviet (provincial
parliament) where he served until the coup in 1993 when local
Soviets were dissolved. Boris has also been arrested twice for
his activism, once in 1982 under Brezhnev, and in 1993 under Yeltsin.
This article was first published in the booklet Eurotopia, 11
October 2004, distributed at the ESF. It is also available online
at http://www.tni.org/archives/kagarlitsky/division.htm