The
Bolkestein Directive: death blow
for a social Europe
October 17, 2005 19:55 |
By Kartika Liotard, MEP
The European elite has a reputation for not really listening to the
public. The pressure from Commission president José Manuel
Barroso and the current president of the European Council, Tony Blair,
to bring about the speedy approval of the Bolkestein Directive, is
perhaps the most dramatic example of this. This ultra-liberal measure
represents a death blow for the struggle for a social Europe and flies
in the face of all of the feelings which European citizens have expressed
in relation to the extent to which 'Brussels' should involve itself
in their everyday lives.
The French and Dutch No to the European constitution were to a large
measure provoked by an aversion to the Union's ever-increasing liberalising
drift. This was a progressive No, a call for a halt to Europe's unbridled
interference in matters better regulated at the national level. The
Bolkestein Directive is the most far-reaching of all such measures
dreamed up by the Commission and would liberalise the little that's
left under national responsibility. Countless actions by political
parties, trade unions and social organisations have already been carried
out against the Services Directive. The proposal has also provoked
a record number of more than a thousand European Parliament amendments,
amongst them motions to remove the Directive's core, the appalling
Country of Origin Principle, which states that foreign service providers
in whatever member state would be able to operate with no regard for
the regulations prevailing in the host country. Polish workers, for
example could be employed in the Netherlands or the UK under Polish
conditions of work and service. Despite this, the Commission is sticking
to its text, complete and unabridged. If, next week, when the Parliament
votes definitively on the proposal, the affair ends with it giving
its approval, we might well conclude that the struggle for a social
Europe is done for. Institutions and ways of working which are particular
to a certain member state, even ones with which everyone is more-or-less
happy, will come under the hammer of European liberalisation, sacrificed
to the idol of the totally free market. Citizens and governments will
have still less influence over the direction of their societies. We
will see a race to the bottom in which the lowest standards to be
found in Europe will become the target to be aimed for. Small firms
will have to contend with unfair competition from service providers,
in particular from Eastern Europe, and will be unable to survive.
Meanwhile eastern European workers brought in by these companies will
be further exploited and unable to achieve the living standards which
they expected when they in most cases enthusiastically approved their
country's membership of the European Union. The Bolkestein Directive
for the most part creates victims. Only the multinational service
providers will gain from it.
Supporters argue that all will turn out well and that the Bolkestein
Directive will not interfere in the member states in social matters
such as working conditions, labour rights, health care, education,
culture, water supply and social housing. Nothing, however, could
be further from the truth. The shadow of this latest liberalisation
goes before it. Thousands of Dutch lorry drivers have already seen
their jobs handed over to exploited Polish truckers. Dutch firms are
establishing subsidiaries in eastern Europe in order to continue working
in the Netherlands, but under far less exacting standards and requirements.
And only a short time ago 'Brussels' demanded that Dutch housing associations
sell their stock of rented social accommodation so that it too could
be brought under the discipline of the free market.
The Dutch and French No to the constitution shook the whole of Europe
to its foundations. Since then, however, there has been a return to
business as usual. The unprecedented broad protest against the Services
Directive temporarily rocked the Commission. Yet here too the threads
have been picked up again and Tony Blair has expressed the wish to
force the project to a successful conclusion by the end of the year.
These are the two most essential points to emerge from European decision-making
during 2005. The Netherlands and France have shown that when citizens
are really given the right to speak, they will opt for a social approach
as against the free-market fundamentalism preached by Brussels. Opposition
to the Services Directive is perhaps even more important than the
voting down of the constitution. With 'Bolkestein' the genie of liberalisation
is definitively out of the bottle and a real Pandora's Box is opened
which would turn Europe upside down. Liberalisation is easy enough
to bring about, but extremely difficult if not impossible to reverse.
Democratic control over a society's direction, gained through decades
of struggle, can be destroyed with the stroke of a pen, driving us
back to the conditions of the past. This must not happen. There must
for this reason be no European constitution, and absolutely no directive
which in one fell swoop hands 70% of economic and social activities
over to the jungle law of the free market.
Kartika Liotard is a Member of the European Parliament. The Socialist
Party, which she represents, is affiliated to the United Left Group
(GUE-NGL).
See also:
http://www.spectrezine.org/europe/Fritz-vs-Bolkestein-EN.pdf
http://www.spectrezine.org/europe/Kartika.htm
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