Why the Workers' Party says No to the Treaty of Nice
BACKGROUND AND CONTEXT
On 7th June 2001, the Irish people will be asked to make an important decision
on the future of this country by referendum. That decision will
affect the life of each and every citizen . It could drag Irish
soldiers into wars started and sponsored by powerful nations
happy to use the smaller countries as their pawns. Even on the
most benign interpretation the route proposed by the Government, unless resisted, will change fundamentally the rules and institutions
of the European Community. Despite this it is virtually impossible
to obtain a copy of the subject matter of the referendum unless
you have access to the internet. This is a referendum conducted
by stealth. What is it about? Why is the Government holding
a referendum? Why the cloak of secrecy in what should be an
open and democratic debate?
Although the referendum will deal with a number of issues, in an attempt
by the Government to cause the maximum confusion, the main issue
for concern relates to the Treaty of Nice. The stated purpose
of the Treaty of Nice is "to complete the programme of
institutional reform designed to prepare the European Union
for a significant expansion in its membership". In reality
the Treaty of Nice is the next step in the relentless pursuit
of European integration.
The European Union was created and developed by a series of treaties over
the past 50 years. Over that time the treaties were modified
by various agreements and instruments, however, the constant
theme has been European integration, or more particularly in
its early stages, West European integration. The most significant
treaties were the Treaty of Rome [1957], the Single European
Act [1986], the Treaty on European Union, (the Maastricht Treaty)
[1992] and the Treaty of Amsterdam [1997]. Ireland acceded to
the European Communities in 1972.
The Workers' Party opposed Ireland accession to the European Communities.
The Party also opposed , the Single European Act [1986], the
Treaty on European Union, (the Maastricht Treaty) [1992] and
the Treaty of Amsterdam. The Workers' Party opposition to the
Treaty of Nice arises from a consistent, principled position.
The first myth which must be exploded is that the Workers' Party is anti-European.
Nothing could be further from the truth. Our Party is an internationalist
party and is deeply committed to the principles of internationalism.
We are perhaps the only party in this country which has enshrined
that principle in our Party Constitution and Party Members are
obliged to actively subscribe to that principle. It is impossible
to be a member of our Party without being an internationalist.
Secondly, it has been the openly declared ambition of our Party for at
least two decades that we want a socialist Europe from the Atlantic
to the Urals. Our Party expressly rejects narrow myopic nationalism,
racism, isolationism, national chauvinism and xenophobia. We
are confident that our credentials in this area cannot be questioned
and our approach to the Treaty of Nice is based on a fundamentally
different approach.
The Workers' Party believes that each nation is sovereign and independent.
This involves the right of states to govern and control their
own political, social, economic and cultural affairs, free from
outside interference and intervention. These rights are scarcely
revolutionary in themselves. They form the basis of the Charter
of the United Nations and are emphasised in international law.
National territorial jurisdiction is a central tenet of state
sovereignty which should not easily be surrendered.
The European Union is based on the concept of the supremacy of Community
law. Member States are bound to fulfil Treaty obligations and
to abstain from any measures which could jeopardise the attainment
of Treaty objectives. The current European project contemplates
the complete limitation of domestic sovereign rights and a transfer
of powers to an increasingly powerful, unaccountable and undemocratic
federal Europe. As a Party committed to the democratisation
of all aspects of political life the Workers' Party opposes
this transition. Our Party stands for an independent and sovereign
nation in a community of independent
nations and citizens working together and co-operating with each other
for mutual benefit. In short, we are for Europe but a different
type of Europe and we are against the type of Europe the Treaty
of Nice proposes to implement.
At present, the European Union is a capitalist project. It is designed
to achieve economic growth and increased profits. The concept
of the single market and a common currency is a characteristic
of this project. In many countries of the EU unemployment has
risen. European Directives demand deregulation and privatisation
of the public sector. The Treaty on European
Union demands the removal of controls on the movement of capital as part
of the Single European market. The EU demands austerity and
promotes monetarist economic policies and we in Ireland have
recently witnessed the impact of this when the EU has attempted
to dictate domestic spending. It demonstrates how far we have
come. The Irish government will be unable to spend a budget
surplus on much needed public expenditure on education, health,
housing and social welfare. Monetary union will lead to an increase
in business competition which will, in turn, lead to competition
for the lowest wages and lowest social benefits in the Union.
This will further increase unemployment and lead to cuts in
social welfare spending. Ireland will lose control over its
economy, monetary policy, taxation, interests rates, exchange
rates. The European Central Bank will have responsibility for
monetary policy. Countries, with a weaker economy, which could
previously use monetary policy against stronger competitors
will no longer have the necessary powers to do this. The national economy
will be laid open to the unrestricted and unrestrained movement
of capital and the avarice of banks and multinational corporations
whose sole objective is profit, not people. Nation states will
be severely restricted in pursuit of their own social, economic,
labour and environmental policies.
In the field of environmental protection the EU has also failed. Pollution
has increased and the omission of comprehensive legal provisions
in the Treaty of Union for environmental protection and the
protection of natural resources demonstrates that profit is
a higher priority than protection.
The lack of democracy in the European Union has also long been a concern
for the Workers' Party. Power has been progressively transferred
from national parliaments to Europe but there has been no reciprocal
democratisation of the European institutions. The gap between
the citizen and the decision-maker, the governing and the governed,
has widened. The EU is a centralised and bureaucratic construction
largely divorced from the citizens of the EU. Further integration
and federalism will not address the democratic deficit, it will
simply cause it to increase. The European Parliament does not
have the same rights or role as national parliaments. The legislative
authority in the European Union is the Council and it is not
answerable to the European Parliament.
It is also a critical concern that the European Union has the objective
of building its own military force. It has long been envisaged
that the Western European Union should be gradually integrated
into the European Union. Simultaneously, there has been a sustained
effort to transfer decisions on foreign and security policy
to Europe - a concern heightened by a movement towards taking
decisions in these field s on the basis of qualified majority
voting. It is proposed to co-ordinate the European arms industry,
creating a European military-industrial complex.
It is within this context that our analysis of the Treaty of Nice is based.
THE IMPLICATIONS OF THE TREATY OF NICE
1. Democracy
There are already fundamental problems concerning a lack of democracy and
accountability in the European Union. The Union is essentially
bureaucratic and anti-democratic with the principal focus being
on freedom of movement for capital and business. If adopted,
the Treaty of Nice will increase the democratic deficit. The
Treaty will open the route to a two-tier Europe, establishing
a leading elite of powerful states which will be able to dominate
the institutions of the EU economically, politically and militarily.
At present unanimity is required in vital parts of the decision-making
process. This, in theory, requires consensus and, at least formally,
places all Member States on an equal footing. The original thinking
was that no major political or constitutional development could
take place without the agreement of all Member States. However,
even from the beginning the authors of the Treaty of Rome intended
that there should be a progressive move towards voting majorities
and the qualified majority voting procedure already applies
in certain situations.
The Treaty of Nice abolishes the requirement for unanimity set down in
the Amsterdam Treaty. The formal "equality" is to
be removed and the instrument to effect this change is the further
substantial expansion of qualified majority voting. Matters
of major political and constitutional importance will no longer
remain within the jurisdiction and control of individual Members
States. Decisions may be taken without the agreement of an Irish
government on the basis of qualified majority voting. Depending
on the numbers voting an Irish government may not even be able
to block a decision which has major adverse implications for
this country. In those circumstances it will be the qualified
majority which decides what is possible.
Nice also has serious implications in respect of the operation of the European
Commission. Previously, the President of the Commission has
been appointed on the basis of a unanimous decision of the Member
States. Under the Nice provisions the President must first be
nominated by qualified majority vote between the Governments
and Heads of State.
The Treaty of Nice is about taking power away from the citizen and the
national government and giving it to the European Union. It
will remove the national veto in 35 new areas, including, asylum,
refugees and immigration; measures for the introduction of the
euro; reform of structural and cohesion funds; the appointment
of the President and members of the Commission and, significantly,
the appointment of Common Foreign and Security Policy special
representatives and related international agreements. These
developments will increase the prospects for "Fortress
Europe" under the Schengen agreement and lead to further
misery for those people outside the borders of the Union.
The Irish government actively colludes in this anti-democratic exercise
by selling the Treaty of Nice as a treaty on enlargement. In
reality, the Treaty of Nice is not about providing enlargement
and extending the "benefits" of the EU to those outside
the Union. The Union is about limiting the effects of enlargement.
The European Union does not want the people of the candidate
countries but it does want their markets. The trick is to bring
these countries into Europe and render their peoples second-class
citizens. Already a number of powerful Member States have attempted
to impose a moratorium on the free movement of labour for new
Member States.
The Amsterdam Treaty permitted the EU to enlarge without further amendment
of the Treaties. The Treaty of Nice proposes changes which will
have the effect of increasing the power of the powerful states.
The Treaty of Nice is concerned with the creation of a two-tier
Europe. The object is to further centralise the EU. On the one
hand the first-class members will press ahead for ever closer
union. This group, aiming for the creation of a single federal
Europe, will become the Euro elite. This elite will not be bound
by a requirement for unanimity and extending the use of "enhanced
cooperation" will allow groups of eight member states to
proceed with "policy initiatives" even if the smaller
countries voted against it. The creation of such an elite with
a controlling influence in the institutions of the Union and
committed to a strongly centralised federal state cannot be
to the benefit of democracy in general or the interests of the
smaller states, in particular. The concept of a Europe of equals
will have effectively disappeared. It is no exaggeration to
say that the Treaty of Nice is sounding the death knell of whatever
little democracy already exists within the European Union.
2. National Sovereignty, Independence and Neutrality
It is the concept of "enhanced co-operation" and the fundamental
change which this makes to the European Union which necessitates
a referendum in Ireland. The Treaty of Nice has serious implications
for the Irish constitution. This referendum may be the last
opportunity for the Irish people to defend its sovereignty and
constitutional rights.
The Treaty of Nice also provides the basis for moving to the next stage
of the militarisation of Europe. The ambition is to create a
European superpower equipped with its own arms industry and
its own defence and foreign policy. The Amsterdam Treaty provided
that the Western European Union [WEU] was "an integral
part" of the development of the European Union. The Treaty
of Nice removes the reference to the WEU and the EU will now
take on a military function. The European Union will be equipped
with military capabilities and, whatever the protestations of
the YES camp, the structures and resources are being put in
place for the creation of a European army with the development
of a 60,000 strong Rapid Reaction Force, deployable within sixty
days and sustainable in the field for one year. This force,
far from "defending" Europe will be capable of operating
outside the Union and outside Europe.
The military tasks of this force will not be controlled by the national
parliaments nor by the European Parliament. Military operations
will be under the political control of the Political and Security
Committee. Europe, or more correctly, the dominant political
elite will be able to wage war outside Europe without being
accountable to either the European or national Parliament.
The Treaty of Nice would constitute a fatal blow to Irish neutrality.
The threat to Irish neutrality does not stop there. The erosion of Ireland's
capacity to operate an independent defence and foreign policy
continues. On 11th April 2001, Dr. Guenter Burghardt, the Head
of the European Commission Delegation to the US, stated at the
Executives' Club of Chicago, that he firmly believed that the
European Security and Defence Policy [ESDP] "will
complement NATO and help the EU to become a fuller partner of the US".
Dr Burghardt talked of "a more efficient common foreign
security policy". It will certainly be "more efficient"
if there is no dissenting voice to the growing militarisation
of the EU and a partnership with the US in exploiting and intimidating
the less powerful nations of the world. There is no protection
for Irish neutrality or the independence of Irish foreign policy.
The Irish government has not attempted to criticise this process
nor has it tried to negotiate a special protocol to ensure the
protection of our traditional neutrality.
It is scarcely surprising that this referendum appears clouded in secrecy
. In view of the contents of the Treaty of Nice and the implications
for our sovereignty and independence one might at least expect
that the Irish people would be told what the referendum was
about. It is not enough to issue trite, and misleading, statements
on enlargement in an attempt to replace democratic debate with
uninformed emotion.
If this referendum is to be effective it requires open , transparent public
debate on real issues. That debate must involve the wide dissemination
of information which is objective, balanced , comprehensible
and accessible to all. The Government and the media have a duty
to ensure that a fair and balanced debate takes place although
presently the signs are not favourable that this will happen.
The YES Vote will have huge resources and the NO campaign will
have scarce resources and will face the usual vilification and
abuse which takes the place of rational debate.
Nevertheless this is a referendum proposal which can be defeated. The Economist
Intelligence Unit has reported that the Irish people could vote
against the Treaty of Nice. The Government received a shock
at the time of the Amsterdam Treaty. It is now time to deliver
an unequivocal message that the unrestrained march towards the
creation of a European superpower must be
reversed and the destruction and erosion of Irish sovereignty, neutrality
and independence halted.
A NO Vote on 7th June is not anti-European. It is, on the contrary, a positive
vote for an equal and co-operative relationship with our European
neighbours and beyond. It is a voice for an alternative democratic
Europe, a people's Europe, a Europe of the nations.
The Workers' Party will play its part.
For more information about the Workers´Party, the NO Campaign and what
you can do to help, contact
the Workers' Party Referendum Committee at 23 Hill Street,
Dublin 1. Tel: (01) 874 0716
or E-mail