For a World in Solidarity: The Party Programme of the Swedish Left
Index
- Our goals
- Political democracy
- Economic democracy
- The Common sector
- Class society in Sweden
- The working life
- The right to live with dignity
- Male society and the women’s movement
- Equality of sexual rights
- Our environment
- Technology and research
- Education
- Culture and the media
- Our world
- Our party
- The path of the Left
1:1 The Left Party is a socialist party. We are part of the Swedish and the international working class movement. Socialism is the implementation of an economically and politically democratic system. The socialist goal is the liberation of mankind from oppression. The socialist tradition of ideas is based on the belief in each individual’s right and ability to create together with others a society in which each human being is of equal value and is accorded the same opportunities. Capitalism is based on ownership and control by the few of the means of production in the interest of personal profit. In contrast to such a society, we propose instead a socialist society which offers its citizens real influence and equality. In order to achieve socialism, capitalism must be abolished and society’s resources be fairly distributed. Democratic control of the economy and power over the means of production must be established. A socialist transformation of society cannot be devised nor prescribed either by political parties or by political leaders.
Our aim is to enable people to determine more freely the direction of their own lives, in every day life, at work, in their own neighbourhood and in political assemblies.
1:2 Our socialist convictions rest on the belief that each individual is of equal value. We wish to create a classless society free from oppression. As human beings we are shaped by the society in which we live, while at the same time contributing to the building of this society. We are independent, thinking individuals, but we become true human beings first when we interact with other individuals. We create ourselves, our society and our history, but we do so on certain premises we have not ourselves chosen. By acting purposefully and with determination, mankind is capable of creating a just society based on equality and solidarity. To appeal to people’s innate good will is not, however, sufficient. Injustice and oppression are founded on real power structures and on the way society is organised. If these structures are to be changed, single-minded political struggle for social justice and genuine democracy is called for. Our goal is to empower every individual to live life as he or she chooses and to create opportunities for each and every one to freely develop their potential as human beings.
1:3 The Left Party is a feminist party. This means that we recognise that as well as the class structure there is also a patriarchy in which women are systematically subordinated to men. Male patterns of power maintain men’s power over women and defend men’s interests both in society and in private life.
Our feminist objectives will have been attained when gender is no longer relevant either to the way we are treated or to the opportunities open to us in society.
1:4 The Left Party sees it as a task of paramount importance to bring about ecologically sustainable development. Today’s pursuit of constantly higher profits leads to ruthless exploitation of human beings and the environment in stark contrast to this objective. Political decisions must lead to the restructuring of producer and consumer patterns.
1:5 We strive to create a new economic order that will grant every citizen on earth the right to live a dignified life. International solidarity is the key to creating a society in which social justice and solidarity prevail. We fight against racism and hostility to foreigners.
We oppose the division of society into ruling upper classes and oppressed lower classes and strive to create a world in which conditions favour mankind’s progress towards greater equality and freedom.
2:1 Democracy means government by the people and must be based on the principle that each individual is of equal value and has a right to participate in the life of the community and in the democratic process. The defence of democracy is, therefore, closely linked to the struggle against social injustice and inequality. The Left Party endeavours to defend, to develop and to strengthen basic democratic rights and privileges which have once been gained.
2:2 The Left Party defends parliamentary democracy with elections to political assemblies by universal and equal suffrage. The electoral system should be proportional. The monarchy is an obsolete relic from an undemocratic society and should be abolished. Freedom of religion must be guaranteed. The state should not support any particular religion.
2:3 Sweden’s political democracy is closely intertwined with our national autonomy. The Left Party is against membership of the European Union and works for Sweden’s withdrawal.
2:4 A representative multi-party system is the best way of making wide-reaching decisions and knitting together various special interests to resolve mutual problems. The substance of such decisions is then determined on the basis of the relative strength of support outside the parliamentary assemblies. It is determined by the people’s ability to mobilise and to organise their struggle for solidarity and social justice.
2:5 The Left Party respects parliamentary, representative democracy. We seek to change those decisions we see as wrong through parliamentary procedure. Democracy, however, is not the sum total of laws and regulations. Civil disobedience can be democratic in substance and be backed by popular support, and it can be directed against both parliamentary and administrative decisions. Civil disobedience offers a means of self-defence to be used as a last resort by people who lack the power to protect popularly supported moral values in other ways, values such as human rights and irreplaceable natural resources. Civil disobedience is based on the principle of non-violence.
2:6 A representative form of government must be complemented with forms which allow direct citizen influence. This may take the form of policy-making referenda as well as structures of self-management among workers, residents and consumers.
2:7 We support municipal self-government, where local power of taxation guarantees the municipalities a fair measure of financial independence from the State. The principle of self-government is strengthened if income and expenditure are evened out and shared among the municipalities in a spirit of solidarity.
Municipal self-government must, however, be complemented by laws that protect individual rights. Basically, responsibility must lie with government at the national level to guarantee similar rights and opportunities to all citizens. There is clearly a contradiction here between the demand for equal treatment for everyone at the national level and the principle of local self-government. How this conflict is to be resolved cannot be decided once and for all. A constant debate and an open democratic process are called for in order to find the appropriate level for decision-making. There must be political accountability even in relation to issues where the line of demarcation between the different levels is unclear. Regional co-operation should be strengthened and democratised. County councils and county administrative boards should merge into county parliaments. The goal is to develop democracy and expand the people’s influence within all areas of society. When the people are offered increased participation and responsibility, democracy is strengthened and enhanced.
2:8 We want to break down male domination of the political assemblies. This presupposes equal representation of women and men. The goal is for women and men to have the same access to power and influence.
2:9 Freedom of speech and freedom of the press are vital to democracy, as are an open public discourse and the right to organise an opposition. Information must be accessible for everyone and freely exchangeable. The principle of public access to official records and freedom to pass on information must be defended. It cannot be accepted that freedom of speech is curtailed when the working day begins. Freedom to communicate information must apply to employees in both private and public sectors. It should be possible to carry out inspections and to control business and companies in both sectors.
2:10 National minorities are now recognised and their rights as citizens protected by law. However, the democratic system must also protect the rights of other ethnic minorities to develop their own language and culture, both in its distinctive character and as a contribution to multi-cultural social wealth. This applies equally to Sweden’s indigenous people, the Same(Lapplanders), their livelihood and their institutions.
2:11 We combat intolerance, racism and hostility towards foreigners. In education, in the public discourse and in the field of culture, within the working class movement, the Left Party and other democratic forces, the struggle goes on against distortion of facts, intolerance, racism, xenophobia and fascist ideologies. We demand that all immigrants, regardless of origin, be given voting rights in parliamentary elections and elections to the European Parliament on the same basis as in municipal and county elections. It should be possible to apply for and to be granted Swedish citizenship free of charge.
2:12 Our law-governed society must be defended and developed. The judicial system must be independent of political power. Everyone is equal before the law. Society must guarantee the rule of law, the protection of legal rights and citizen access to legal aid. We uphold the principle of Parliament as the supreme decision-making body in constitutional issues.
2:13 Parliamentary democracy, freedom and human rights are today limited by the way in which economic power is distributed in Sweden and in the world at large. Powerful conglomerates and owners of capital put pressure on governments and nations. The creation of monopolies in the media and their commercialisation limit freedom of speech. The EU displays blatant democratic shortcomings in the way it is organised, in how representative it is and in the way proposals are put forward and decisions made. The bureaucratic regime, lobbying activities and the lack of transparency of the EU undermine democracy.
3:1 The international and global character of capitalism is more pronounced than ever before. It is dominated by the major powers, trans-national companies and powerful investors of capital. Production and capital move back and forth across borders, increasingly independent of national territories. Capitalism must be met with international resistance and solidarity and with locally rooted struggles.
3:2 The pattern of ownership of capital has changed. Many of the old capitalist families have been replaced by anonymous institutions and funds without long-term owner responsibility. In spite of the dramatic rise in the number of share-holders, the influence of individual owners has declined and control has been centralised to a few major capitalist groups. The speculative nature of financial capital is much more apparent and often operates counter to the needs and interests of production.
3:3 The power of capital must be broken. Production should be based on the needs of the people, not on the short-term profit-seeking interests of owners of capital and of investors. The economy should be democratised and the rights of ownership restricted. Overarching economic decisions must be taken by parliament and the government. However, it is the ownership and control of the means of production, together with the distribution of the surplus it engenders, that is crucial to the exercise of power over the economy and over society as a whole. In a socialist society, vital means of production should, therefore, be publicly owned. This means that resources and companies that play a key role in the country’s collective economy should be democratically owned and administered for the common good.
3:4 Democratic control of the of the credit market must be strengthened. International speculation in capital and currency must be checked through international co-operation between independent nations and democratically owned institutions in different countries. Substantial publicly owned capital, in conjunction with publicly managed savings systems, could safeguard national investments in the public interest and discourage speculation. Different types of public ownership should be predominant in the bank sector and the credit market.
3:5 Public investment funds, such as employee and pension funds along with other types of funds in the public interest, should be tools for the shaping of economic policies and regional planning. They should help to diminish the hold of private ownership over vital, long-term processes and can also be developed in decentralised forms. Wealth must, furthermore, be redistributed through a fair tax system based on solidarity.
3:6 The power of large-scale enterprises to harm employees and the economy by closing down and relocating their plants must be curtailed by allowing the community or the employees to take over plants under threat of closure.
3:7 Every developed economy requires a combination of planning and market mechanisms. Planning is based on political decisions. It sets the rules and the framework for operators on the market. We cannot accept, and therefore work against, the uncontrolled freedom of the market and its operators. Such freedom encroaches upon the freedom of the vast majority of people, since it favours a privileged few at the expense of the many.
Planning should be based on the needs and limits of the environment, on regional development and on social justice here in Sweden and globally. It should hinder the creation of monopolies and cartels and counteract the tendency of the market to create major gaps in income and welfare.
3:8 Even in a democratised economy, a wage system that is based on solidarity is necessary to set the boundaries for local agreements. In this way a just distribution of incomes over the entire labour market and solidarity within the labour community can be ensured, despite competition between companies. It is vital that trade unions can negotiate freely without restrictions imposed by the State.
3:9 Economic policies should steer production according to human needs and adapt to the ecological cycle. Production should bear its own environmental costs. Growth must be diverted from production of goods that threaten the environment to production that is ecologically acceptable and to improved levels of services in education, in hospitals and care, as well as in the field of culture.
3:10 The tax system must be changed. A large share of taxation should be shifted from wages and salaries over to production. The remaining income taxes should be redistributed from the wealthy to the poor to increase social justice. Differentiated VAT(value-added tax) and selective purchase taxes should be used in those areas of taxation which need to be flexible and to adapt to changes in the economy and to political priorities. Selective taxation within environmental areas should function as a powerful tool to enforce "the polluter pays principle". Municipalities should have the right to levy taxes independently. There must be more stringent taxation on wealth, profits and inheritance.
3:11 Uniform regional development is in the national interest and is therefore a national responsibility.
Large-scale migration from smaller communities and from many towns in rural and sparsely populated areas constitutes a threat also to the larger towns in as much as it creates areas and housing shortage, social exclusion and segregation, and traffic problems. At the same time municipalities with traditional industrial structures characteristically feature high rates of unemployment, a stagnating economy, a housing surplus and a rapidly dwindling population, which in turn affects the population structure, the number of elderly inhabitants steadily increasing. The right to employment, education and social welfare must apply to the country as a whole. If this is to be achieved, a strong infrastructure is essential. Regional balance should be promoted by means of economic policy, fair systems of taxation and expansionist policies in the field of trade and industry.
4:1 The Left Party defends the labour movement’s basic concept of a common sector based on solidarity, financed by a system of progressive taxation of citizens and of companies. Its function is to ensure a fair distribution of incomes and living conditions amongst the different groups of the working population, also between the gainfully employed and those who are outside the labour market: children, the elderly, the sick and the unemployed. The fundamental principle should be: "From each according to his or her ability, to each according to his or her needs".
4:2 In all developed economies, service is a growing part of the economy. The service sector must develop on democratic terms under public administration, its frame of reference being that individuals are citizens in a society, not customers in a market. The question is whether we to allow development to be steered by the needs of the people or by the size of their wallet. It is a question of power over a growing part of the economy. We reject market philosophies which regard children, pupils and elderly people as customers in a service market.
4:3 The social insurance system should be built on the rights and obligations of the individual. The system should give the individual income-related compensation in the case of illness, unemployment, parental leave, etc, with a specified minimum level. This strategy of income security has proved the most effective in the battle against poverty and class differences. Incomes are evened out and the system is financed within the framework of a progressive tax-supported system and not by means of income-related contributions or needs testing, all of which helps also to secure support for this model from the middle classes. The system must be combined with an active policy of jobs for everyone.
The general welfare system provides an effective administration, transparency and a comprehensive view of the needs to be met in society. It therefore uses common resources in an efficient and democratic way. It also helps to create conditions favourable to achieving equality between the sexes.
4:4 The welfare system which has developed in Sweden and the other Nordic countries has succeeded, better than in many other countries, in liberating the people from the benevolence of the wealthy, from charity and the poor relief. The Left Party defends this model and strives to further develop it.
4:5 The traditional function of the State as upholder of the social order can nevertheless give rise to certain features that there is reason to criticise. People in need of help from society can encounter an arbitrary exercise of authority, patriarchal structures and discrimination. We wish the State to be open and accountable to the people. We strive to democratise the public sector by strengthening the position of those employed. We encourage experimenting with alternative forms of operation. The Left Party opposes privatisation and the selling of community services and public companies on both a national and a municipal level. The conversion of public services into independent subsidiary companies means adapting the common sector to the principles governing private enterprise, with often detrimental results. This process entails the limiting of democratic control and transparency. Therefore, we actively oppose turning operative services in the public sector into independent companies.
5:1 Sweden is a class society . Class divisions reflect the relationship of individuals to the production of goods and services. The vast majority of the population earn their living by gainful employment. They do not own enough capital to carry weight in society. They have no say in the way production is organised, nor do they exercise control over the work carried out by others. This majority constitutes the working class in a broad sense. On the other side we have the bourgeoisie, by which we mean those who own and control capital to the extent of exercising power and influence in society, who have the right of decision-making in production and the authority to control the work of others. Thus the working class and the bourgeoisie have conflicting interests which are basically irreconcilable.
5:2 Class oppression in present-day Sweden expresses itself in various ways, mainly, however, as inequality in terms of power and influence in society. Members of the bourgeoisie are to be found in positions of power in business and in the community, while the working class on the whole lacks power. We recognise class oppression in the unfair distribution of income, the rich becoming richer, the poor poorer. We see it in terms of ill health, lower standards of living which make the working classes more vulnerable to sickness and work injuries. We perceive it in the level of education, young people from the bourgeoisie tending to go on to higher education, whereas those of the working class make do with secondary education. We recognise it in housing segregation and again in the fields of culture and recreation.
5:3 The working class is not to be perceived as a uniform mass of women and men. Differences in education, residential environment and work situation are reflected in diverse stratifications within their class. Changes in the structure of society bring about changes in the way class is structured. There are still quite a few industrial workers, but the trend has been towards dwindling numbers in manufacturing and growing numbers in services, both public and private. Nonetheless, the basic conflict of class persists. The working class has, therefore, an invested interest in solidarity and unity. The trade union movement, collectively, has here a vital roll to play. The unions must be organisations prepared to fight on behalf of the working class from a perspective of conflicting interests. This includes the struggle to achieve such objectives as improving the situation of those with the lowest wages in the labour market and enhancing the development potential of the individual wage-earner in both public and private sectors.
5:4 Irrespective of class divisions, patriarchy, the systematic subordination of women to men, cuts across society. Today, most women are wage-earners and housewives. A major part of the load of unpaid household work is still the responsibility of women. The share of nursing and care which has been transferred to the public sector today constitutes, along with retail trade and services, a major labour market for women. The hold of patriarchy over the labour market is clearly reflected in the fact that groups of workers, where women are in the majority, overall have lower wages, more monotonous jobs, and fewer opportunities for personal development and in-service training. The working class movement, too, has been male dominated, as is reflected, for example, in the power structure between and within the member organisations of the federation of Trade Unions(LO).
5:5 Class society can and must be abolished. The limitations imposed on individuals and on society as a whole by the class structure render the building of a truly democratic society virtually impossible. Women and men must be allowed to exercise full citizenship in the fields of production and of the economy as well as in other domains.
6:1 It is important to have a secure and meaningful job with sufficient pay to live on. This provides the means of earning one’s own living, the first step towards empowering the individual to live life as he or she chooses. It is of benefit to society to maintain a high level of employment, in as much as resources are created which can be redistributed through such channels as public welfare facilities. A meaningful job for each and every individual of working age is a human right and necessary for the good of society as a whole. Jobs for everyone is therefore one of the main goals of the Left Party.
6:2 Mass unemployment during the past decade has produced a new and more brutal climate in society. Class gaps are widening, conflicts between different social groups, and social problems generally, are growing. The feeling of solidarity in society is not as strong as it was, in fact the general welfare system is being undermined. High rates of unemployment are weakening the labour movement’s position in society.
When unemployment figures are high, job security changes for the worse and the work pace for those already employed is stepped up. Work-related diseases with an accelerating number of cases of stress and exhaustion are becoming more common. Wage gaps are widening. Short term employment is becoming more wide-spread, people with casual jobs finding themselves without protection in their working life.
Mass unemployment hits young people especially hard. They risk losing all contact with working life. It affects immigrants who often suffer blatant discrimination in the labour market and who consequently run the risk of perpetual dependence on social welfare. It afflicts those with little education and those with functional disabilities who find it difficult to compete in the shrinking labour market. It causes hardship to the great number of women who are dependent on the welfare sector, both as their source of gainful employment and for the services it offers which enable them to work. Growing numbers are excluded from the community feeling offered by the work place and from social safety nets, this in turn leading to permanent groups of marginalised poor.
6:3 A six-hour working day for all plays a strategic role in the struggle to empower people to gain control over their own lives and to influence working conditions. A statutory shortening of working hours with full pay is one way of redistributing resources from capital to labour, while reducing work-related injuries, sick leave and disability retirement. More jobs would be created, equal rights promoted and work capacity improved. Shorter working hours would, moreover, provide more meaningful leisure time with better opportunities for active participation in society .
6:4 We set exacting standards for the work environment, for work organisation, for the purpose and meaning of work. We intend to win for ourselves the knowledge, the power and the means by which we will be able to exercise control over our working life. Employees should have the decisive influence over their work environment. Work structure and wage systems should promote co-operation and a democratic environment. Equal work and work of equal value should give equal pay. Individual wages and salary structures which have been subjectively and irrationally set must be contested. Working people, not capital, must be the driving force behind development in working life and in society.
6:5 Our view of the good working life calls for new trade union strategies. It is not enough to sell one’s labour to the highest bidder. The struggle in the work place must include democracy and control over the work process. The workers must be able to take over the responsibility for their work through different forms of self-management. Employers in several sectors have been forced to abandon the conveyor belt principle in favour of a decentralised organisation. At the same time, vital decisions have been centralised. We need to elaborate the labour movement’s vision of a meaningful life for the people and sustainable development in working life and production as a whole. Part of this vision includes broadened professional competence where practical environmental responsibility is intertwined with other tasks.
6:6 The trade union movement plays an important role in society and the working life. It should be based in the work place so as to strengthen the workers’ influence and their right to make decisions. A task of growing importance is to foster solidarity with those outside the work-force. We also defend the right to strike as well as other trade union rights gained by the labour movement. We strive to strengthen local union rights by extending veto prerogatives and preferential rights of interpretation.
6:7 International trade union collaboration has become increasingly important in our times. We need trade union co-operation within the same combines, mutual efforts to fight social and ecological dumping, and other forms of trade union solidarity.
6:8 Trade union organisations must be independent in relation to companies, the state and political parties. The Left Party supports and seeks to co-operate with the trade union movement.
7. The right to live with dignity
7:1 In Sweden we can see how segregation is becoming more pronounced in the wake of unemployment, cut-backs and widening class divisions. Vulnerable groups of citizens have been seriously afflicted by deteriorating living conditions and lack of opportunities. Some regions are getting poorer and poorer. The Left Party strives to reverse this trend and through political decision-making and political struggle to create equal opportunities which will allow every person to live a good life and to exercise power and influence irrespective of where in the country they happen to live.
7:2 Good housing at a reasonable cost is a social right. Society should be responsible for providing housing through a system of collective financing based on solidarity and social values. Security of tenure should be safeguarded through strong legal rights. Local housing authorities, through which property owners must register the greater share of vacant housing, will guarantee every citizen the right to a home of their own without their having to be particularly well off or borrow from a bank. Socially and culturally integrated residential areas can create places for people to meet which would be more likely to engender respect between people with different backgrounds than the current often uniform housing estates. Different forms of housing and self-management should be encouraged and supported. This can help to simplify daily life and counteract the growing divisions in society. The Left Party believes that publicly owned local housing authorities should have a strong position in the market. The public housing sector should be expanded in order to guarantee every citizen a reasonable standard of housing and low rents, to encourage self-administration and to allow for individuals to have more of a say in the running of their neighbourhood. It is, furthermore, important that housing be planned ecologically in such a way that buildings are environmentally sound both for those who live in them and for the surrounding country-side.
7:3 Those with mental or functional disabilities have a self-evident right to social fellowship. They must be guaranteed the right to work, independent living, access to public transport, the mass media and culture on their own terms as well as well-functioning social services and good physical planning.
7:4 The Left Party wants to develop and improve the care of the elderly. Everyone has the right to a pension guaranteeing welfare, a secure old age, and a dignified end to their life.
7:5 The Left Party supports restrictive alcohol -and effective anti-narcotic policies. Those with problems of drug and alcohol abuse, and their families, must be given the help they need.
7:6 Our children need security, love and to be cared for. It is their right to have access to good publicly run child care. Men and women must share together the responsibility for the family and for the necessary but unpaid work in the household. Both men and women have the right to combine parenthood with their professional life. We demand a six-hour work day and extensive quota-allocated parental leave. The Left Party is working for the enactment of the UN’s children’s convention into Swedish legislation. The convention constitutes a minimum level for children’s rights. It must be respected by the municipalities, the counties and the state, and by authorities such as the state immigration board.
8. Male society and the women’s movement
8:1 The Left Party is a feminist party. We militate against patriarchy, the gender-based power structure which oppresses women and deprives them of their human rights. Patriarchy is a system of social structures based on men’s control of women’s lives. Men are seen as the norm, women as the deviation.
8:2 There is a manifest as well as a latent oppression of women, both conscious and unconscious. It is practised in violation of legislation, but also quite lawfully, directly or indirectly. The patriarchal pattern is built into the relationship between the sexes in all areas, within the family and in the state system, in the exercise of public authority and in political assemblies. New forms arise continuously.
8:3 Patriarchy has its own material base in reproduction. Power is exercised through the control of women’s sexuality and child-bearing, thereby controlling also women’s working lives whether in the home or in the community. This is clearly reflected in the division of labour, that is to say, why women and men do different things, perform different tasks and are to be found at different levels of society.
The patriarchal exercise of power has a decisive impact on women’s lives. On the one hand they are prevented from sharing in major productive resources with all that this entails in terms of fewer opportunities to make a living and to lead an independent life, on the other hand they are deprived of the right to decide over their own body.
8:4 The struggle for women’s rights has led to important results. The dominance of men and the subordination of women is no longer perceived as a law of nature. Feminism provides arguments and tools for the specific women’s struggle, which must continue if the power of patriarchy is to be broken down. This struggle goes on in politics, in the work place and in private life.
8:5 Men must lend support and show solidarity to women in their struggle for liberation even if it in some ways encroaches upon their own narrow interests. The male-dominated society is an obstacle to genuine liberation also of men. A fundamentally equal society offers greater freedom to both women and men.
9:1 Sexuality is a source of joy and pleasure. Homosexual and heterosexual expression should be valued equally. The Left Party is active in the struggle for equality of sexual rights. We combat sexually oppressive institutions and customs. There is no reason why society should point out which forms of cohabitation or which sexual disposition is to be preferred. Homosexuals should be able to adopt children on the same terms as heterosexuals.
9:2 The sexualised violence exercised by men against women and children throughout the world, as well as violence against homosexuals, reflects and maintains the male power structure in Sweden as elsewhere. Not even when these crimes are brought to light can the victims be sure of society’s support. Violence against women and children has been exploited by the pornographic industry, which has now become a major profit-making capitalist industry. Violent pornography must be completely forbidden.
9:3 We fight against the pornographic industry, which spreads a flood of pictures expressing contempt and male dominance. Pornography and prostitution are related phenomena. They both expose the underlying structures in society which the unequal division of power between men and women ultimately is all about. We welcome the law which criminalises the clients of prostitution. Such a law cannot in itself wipe out prostitution but through it, society expresses its view on the purchase of sex. We strive for a society in which there is no place for prostitution to flourish.
We support women’s shelters, crisis centres for women and men as well as organisations against female genital mutilation and child marriages. We also demand increased support for sexually abused children. The law against child pornography is a step in the right direction. The struggle against the abuse of women, pornography and prostitution must become an issue for men as well as for women.
10:1 The human race is part of nature. We are dependent on nature’s resources, its profusion of species and its various cycles. By safeguarding nature’s life-giving process, we can sustain our own conditions for survival. Exploitation of the non-renewable resources of the earth’s crust must be minimised. The discharge and spread of elements which are not biodegradable in nature must cease completely. The physical conditions necessary for nature’s ecological cycle must be protected. "We shall live on the interest and not consume the capital."
10:2 The reckless investment of expanding economies in massive quantitative growth, their blind faith in the potential of science and technology, lead to ecological disaster. The demands of capitalist ideology for ever-increasing profits and material growth are considered more important than concern for nature. The rising consumption of energy and resources has led to today’s environmental crisis. The inequities of the world order have contributed to the widening gaps between the wealthy part of the world with its excessive consumption of material goods and the poor whose basic needs are not being met.
10:3 The environmental situation today demands vigorous intervention against the waste of resources and the spread of pollution. We must completely change the direction our lifestyle has taken. The wealthy nations are responsible for the greater part of environmental destruction and they consume the bulk of the earth’s resources. It is therefore with these wealthy nations that the responsibility lies to change patterns of production and consumption. A parallel development must take place where resource-saving technical know-how is transferred to poorer countries. The orientation towards sustainable societies must be on a global scale. Environmental problems are best addressed in conjunction with the struggle for democracy, and for economic and social justice.
10:4 Environmental problems in the workplace do not affect everyone the way air pollution, for example, does. Hence they are often overlooked in environmental politics. It is important that our work is not harmful to our physical and mental health .Those employed at each workplace must have decisive influence over their work environment. The legal processing of work-related injuries must take less time than it does today, and the burden of proof must always fall on the employer.
10:5 The point of departure for all physical social planning must be the environmental suitability of all land usage, regardless of whether it concerns inner cities, rural areas or other zones. To achieve already established environmental goals, a radical decrease of fossil-fuelled traffic is essential. Projects for isolated supermarkets far from residential areas must be halted. Traffic policies should promote fuel-efficient and environmentally adapted public transport. In city centres private motoring should as a rule be forbidden, with the exception of vehicles for the disabled and the transport of goods.
10:6 Natural conservation policies must preserve biological variety by protecting flora and fauna, unspoilt nature and the landscape shaped by human effort. Sweden’s unique and widespread wilderness, including the forests in the mountain regions and our unexploited rivers must be protected and left untouched. Protection of our ancient forests, meadows and wetlands is of great significance for the preservation of biological diversity. The legal right of public access to private land must be preserved.
10:7 The energy issue plays a key role. We must stop using fuel which seriously damages our environment. Nuclear energy carries the threat of disasters, environmental destruction connected to uranium mining and the unresolved problems of waste storage. The use of nuclear energy must therefore cease by the year 2010. Instead we must use and develop green renewable energy sources. Large scale solutions can be combined with smaller power plants based on local production. Energy consumption must be reduced through economising, an environmentally adapted infrastructure, low energy consuming technology and an active price and tariff policy. Transport policies must change with the aim of making the transport sector always bear its own costs.
10:8 Agricultural policies must favour ecologically adapted cultivation and conserve the long-term productivity of the soil. The import and use of inorganic fertilisers should be forbidden.
A reduction of the production of meat is desirable, partly because of the negative effects it entails in the forms of nitrogen waste and energy expenditure. Lower meat consumption would increase the chances of feeding the world’s growing population.
Painful animal experiments must stop. They can be replaced by laboratory-based technical solutions. Animal husbandry should be based on the natural behaviour of the animals and on the recognition of animals as sentient creatures that have a right to a decent life.
10:9 As environmentally aware consumers, we can change our own patterns of living. Many people, however, cannot afford to shop in an environmentally conscious way, since ecologically produced goods are generally more expensive than those which do not carry their own environmental costs in connection with transport, excessive fertilisation and polluted emissions. Through modern technology, industrial processes can be improved to meet high demands on resource economy, recycling and a good work environment. Market incentives are not sufficient, however. Some goods and certain methods of production, such as irradiated goods and gene-manipulated foods, must be forbidden. Labelling which shows the country of origin should be compulsory, as should intelligible declarations of contents.
10:10 Environmental considerations may conflict with other political goals and values such as full employment, local autonomy and national independence. Constant growth as the prime motor in the economy must cease and be replaced by objectives expressed in terms of quality.
Environmental considerations may furthermore conflict with the laws, decisions and goals of the EU. In such conflicts, consideration to long-term sustainability and international solidarity must be the deciding factor. Nature knows no national boundaries and many ecological problems must be solved through international co-operation. [para]Every country should also be within its full rights to introduce restrictive legislation and penalty taxes on substances and products which are deemed harmful to human beings and to the environment. The import and export of toxic substances and waste must be forbidden.
11:1 Scientific development has increased the productivity of human labour. Increased productivity could lead to a general shortening of work hours, an improved work environment and stimulating work tasks. However, in order to achieve these goals the workers themselves must take power over the development and use of technology. When new technology is introduced at work, in schools or in society at large, it is important that this is done in such a way that it is made widely available. The differences in levels of education and training must decrease instead of increasing even more. We must also be aware that technology is nothing more than a tool, not a goal in itself.
11:2 The environmentally destructive development to which technology has contributed must be stopped. Modern technology must be put to use to repair what we have already damaged and to promote responsible production and consumption on nature’s terms.
11:3 Scientific development has given rise to new technology that has revolutionised our lives. For many people this has meant substantial progress in terms of welfare and security, but many others have been left out.
11:4 The Left Party has a positive view of technology and science. We are aware, however, of the enormous problems connected with the misuse of knowledge, the most obvious of which is the military use of technical know-how.
11:5 The Left Party supports the principle of the freedom of basic research, but the question of how technology should be developed and used is a political one. It is, therefore, vital to have a large share of publicly financed research which is independent of casual trends and the business world’s perceptions of what in the short term favours their competitive position. How technology and other research findings are to be applied and developed are issues which carry considerable political weight.
11:6 The internationalisation of the economy, in conjunction with the development of technology, has given new power to trans-national companies. Decision-making is moved far away from those affected. The response to this must be trade union co-operation aimed at wresting power from trans-national capital. Advanced technology can make democratic decision-making possible even in the sphere of international economy.
11:7 New medical technology promises a decrease in the most common diseases. At the same time, many of its practical applications are extremely controversial. Legislation should determine what technology may be realised. When biotechnology is used on plants and animals, it must be clearly proven that no damage is done to the biological processes. Clear ethical regulations are needed to prevent suffering to animals. Genetic therapy may be used to cure certain diseases, but measures leading to inherited changes cannot be permitted.
11:8 The question of how humanity should deal with new technology may appear difficult. Today these issues are decided in closed boardrooms and in an inaccessible research world. At the same time they are becoming increasingly important. They must, therefore, be open to public scrutiny and decided through democratic decisions.
12:1 The educational system(from pre-school to college and university level)plays a central role in society. Its functions are complex. People are graded and prepared for their future tasks in the class society. Yet education can also be the key to personal development, a tool in the struggle for democracy, equal rights and a way to bridge the gaps between the classes.
The Left Party wants a democratic school system where everyone’s potential can be realised and which actively opposes class-and gender differences in society.
Nursery and pre-school is the first step in the educational system. It should be available to every child regardless of the parents need for child-minding.
Schools must be free of tuition fees and the students’ work must not be graded. Schools should provide equivalent standards of education regardless of domicile, sex or ethnic background.
12:2 A characteristic feature of the educational system throughout must be the awareness that students have different potentials depending on their social background, their sex and cultural identity. Resources must be allocated according to need. For this reason education should be the responsibility of the community. The state and the municipalities must guarantee the quality of the teaching as well as of the school environment. The Left Party rejects an educational system run in the interests of private profit. This is not to say that we reject initiatives to create educational programs based on alternative methods of teaching which can give fruitful impulses to the educational system as a whole.
12:3 For some length of time the quality of schools has deteriorated as a consequence of larger children’s groups and classes, the staff ratio becoming less favourable. This has led to a marked increase in the marginalisation of pupils from already vulnerable groups. Parents with more resources at their command are more likely to choose co-operative and private schools for their children. Educational gaps are widening and it is becoming increasingly difficult to fulfil the political objectives set for the educational system as a whole. A substantial increase in the resources allocated to the educational system is therefore essential. This is a major task facing the labour movement and the Left Party.
12:4 Schools should provide practical experience in co-operation and democratic work forms. The students’ influence over and responsibility for their own education and school situation must be strengthened. Schools students are active and creative. Their own thirst for knowledge must be the hub around which the school revolves. Aesthetic, practical and theoretical subjects are of equal importance if our young people are to leave school as knowledgeable and independent thinking individuals.
Students should be taught the principles of equality and solidarity, both in their immediate surroundings and in the world beyond. Schools should function as a meeting place and cultural centre for the local community, while also providing a broader international perspective.
Functionally disabled and sick children must be guaranteed tuition. This includes the right of mentally disabled children to a fully adequate education. Children with other languages than Swedish as their mother tongue must have the right to home language lessons, study counselling and Swedish as a second language, with bi-lingualism as the ultimate goal. Racism must be combated.
A competent student care staff must be available for those children who need special aid and support. School must give its students self-confidence so that their school day is filled with a feeling of security and order. Gender discrimination and bullying must be curtailed at an early stage.
12:5 Everyone has the right to a broad education since this offers favourable conditions for living a rich life and provides the base for further education. Socially unequal recruitment to our colleges must end. One significant factor in achieving this objective is the availability of colleges and universities. It is moreover important that schools perceive the individual needs of all the various groups of pupils and are prepared to meet them.
It is important too that a system of study wages is introduced. Even students with children must be able to afford to complete their education.
12:6 In a rapidly changing society , everyone must have the right to continuing education. This can take place in municipal adult education and in colleges. We will give continuing support to the tradition of adult education which has long formed an important part of the labour and trade union movement. Generous support should be granted to study associations and the many colleges run by popular movements and other voluntary organisations which enable many people to fill the gaps missed in their earlier life.
13:1 A class society cannot endure unless the people, at least passively, accept its power structure. This acceptance is created through ideology, which is produced and expressed in different ways in different societies. In our society various instruments work together in the production of ideology: education, culture, the mass media etc. The production of ideology is not as a rule deliberately controlled, but its function is to create a society where the existing power structures are not seriously questioned.
13:2 The struggle towards a socialist society is to a great extent a struggle over the ideology of our society. Through culture, research, education and debate, which free themselves from dependency on the state and on capital, conditions can be created for critically questioning current "truths" and existing power structures.
13:3 Culture is both an end in itself and the means. To create is a basic human need. The free growth and vitality of culture is fundamental for a good society.
13:4 The Left Party encourages many different cultural forms that express human feelings and create a sense of fellowship. We support amateur as well as professional culture. It is important that both these forms can meet and develop by working together closely and practically
13:5 Through human creativity, cultures are formed in every society. Migration has given rise to multi-cultural societies. In Sweden, the immigration of recent decades has reinforced this development.
13:6 Everyone has the right to learn about their own history, their place of origin and their language. Such knowledge helps to counteract rootlessness and alienation. It is equally important that we learn from each other and from other cultures. Successful policies in the field of culture should be aimed at actively meeting the needs and interests of people with different ethnic and cultural backgrounds, in such a way that all types of citizens may be found in every cultural sphere and on every level of public life.
13:7 A free and open debate, where diverging points of view can confront each other, is vital to democracy. The market mechanisms of capitalism threaten the free formation of public opinion and the dissemination of ideas. It is therefore of paramount importance to defend those public arenas where popular movements wield some influence. Libraries must be supported and their services improved. The Left Party defends public service channels in television and radio, which must remain free of advertising. In order to maintain a wide variety of newspapers and magazines, the party supports legislation to limit concentration of ownership in the media. Yet another method of achieving diversity is to grant state subsidies to the press.
13:8 The Left has in recent decades been forced on the defensive in matters of ideology. It is imperative to challenge the bourgeois monopoly of ideas. To produce, to support and to promote publications which are run in accordance with the traditions of popular movements is consequently a strategically important task for the Left Party.
14:1 Capitalism has always ignored national borders. In our time it has evolved into a connected global system and the world has been subdivided into supra-national big-power blocks competing with each other for new markets. Growing global injustice presents a constant threat to world peace.
14:2 The de-regulation of the world market has during recent decades reinforced the imbalance of power and resources. The economic gaps between people have widened within both rich and poor countries as well as between these countries. Today more people than ever are poor.
14:3 A contributing factor to the growing divides is the deliberate policy conducted by the USA. The nations of the western world have, by means of the IMF(International Monetary Fund) and the World Bank, succeeded in exploiting the debt crisis of poor nations so as to tie the politics and the economy of these countries closely to the interests of the West. In many countries this has resulted in mass unemployment, widespread poverty and cut-backs in social welfare, causing hardship especially to women. A cancellation of their debts is a prerequisite of sustainable development in the poor countries.
14:4 Attempts by individual nations to break away from neo-colonial dependence and to conduct policies in the interest of the people are usually met by arrogance on the part of the major powers, by economic and political isolation and in extreme cases by military violence. The USA and NATO have positioned themselves to the fore as world police since the fall of the Soviet Union, as manifest after two full scale wars against Iraq and Yugoslavia. The military threat posed by the wealthy part of the world towards the poor is becoming more apparent. The tensions between east and west of the cold war have changed into new tensions where several regional powers in the third world have acquired nuclear weapons of their own. The support from the eastern block earlier enjoyed by many third world countries might have meant freedom from capitalist exploitation, but involved on the other hand political subjection and dependence on the east.
14:5 The new information technology has provided financial capital with the means of extending its power. Democracy and independence in individual nations are being undermined by speculative capital moving with lightning speed over borders with the help of IT. Yet this new technology is also being used constructively by environmental and solidarity movements, by organisations protecting human rights and similar international movements, to militate against the ruthless exploitation of human beings and the environment world-wide. Access to this technology is unevenly distributed, however, and many people and organisations in the South are further marginalised by this development.
14:6 The over-consuming life style of the rich world is the main cause of the environmental problems that face us today. Outside the affluent societies, several billion of the world’s "middle class" try to follow in our footsteps with mass consumption, mass private transport and mass destruction as a result. We in the rich world must fundamentally change our lifestyle. Governments and movements of the South also have a responsibility to increase understanding of environmental problems and to change the negative direction of present day trends.
14:7 The plundering of the Third World’s resources and labour by the wealthy countries creates poverty, war, political oppression and environmental destruction. This leads to growing floods of refugees. The majority of refugees, most of them women and children, are found in the poor countries. Only a few of the world’s refugees come to the wealthiest countries in Europe.
14:8 Sweden is a nation of immigrants. One Swede in eight has immigrated and most of us have immigrants among our ancestors. Many have come seeking work, others as refugees. This diversity is a major asset in the building of our society. It follows naturally that the Left Party believes in introducing double citizenship.
We support a generous interpretation of the UN’s refugee convention. The processing of in-coming refugees should be simplified. The waiting time for work and residence permits must be shortened radically. The immigrants’ own resources should be better used than they are today and ordinary citizens should be engaged in the receiving process. We support the regulation of immigration in order to counteract conflicts and poor conditions during the receiving process, but in emergencies we must be prepared to offer the solidarity that the situation requires.
14:9 International injustice is reinforced by patriarchal structures and therefore causes even more hardships to women and children. Millions die before their time because of heavy work, too little food and medicine and from lack of care. Many are forced into the global sex industry.
14:10 The Left Party holds that democratic rule through politically elected bodies is more vital than ever to control economic forces. Our main task in the new millennium is to strengthen people’s ability to organise themselves, so that they can assert their rights and change the society in which they live. The international perspective must be emphasised in the struggle inside progressive parties, in popular movements and in trade unions.
Should the fight for social and political justice meet with violence and oppression, resistance can take the form of armed struggle, which the Left Party sees as being justified in certain situations. The party supports the struggle against imperialism in the spirit of international solidarity with all oppressed peoples.
14:11 One way of striving for greater justice in the world order is to promote international co-operation and development assistance. Aid must be given by the more affluent countries to the poor without motives of self-interest. More important still is that the debts of the developing countries be cancelled. The recipient countries must be allowed to shape their own economic policies. The government must more effectively than is the case today live up to the political objectives set out for development assistance. The Left Party considers that Sweden should take the lead and restore aid to the level of one per cent of Gross National Income.
There is a strong need for fair trade policies. Free world trade requires equality in terms of power and access to information along with relatively well-functioning markets. These conditions do not exist today and will take a long time to achieve. Free trade can bring both threats and opportunities to poor countries. It poses a serious threat when the wealthy countries themselves apply protectionist trade policies, while using their position of power to demand free trade from the poorer countries. This is what happens in today’s imperialist world economy.
Free trade could nonetheless be beneficial if all countries were to pursue free trade policies at the same time. The Left Party calls for an end to demands for unilateral free trade measures in poorer countries.
International trade agreements should give countries the right to compensate for subsidised import products. In the future, transport must pay its own environmental costs, which would encourage food production at a local and regional level.
14.12 The dissolution of the Warsaw Pact created the conditions for a policy of detente. However, instead of disarmament, military structures are being reinforced through the expansion of NATO, while the USA is strengthening its position as leading super power, thanks to the superiority of its military technology.
The Left part opposes the expansive ambitions of NATO. We favour the dissolution of military alliances and oppose both indirect (as with the Partnership for Peace) and direct membership of NATO. We would like to see Sweden lead the way with radical military disarmament, a ban on arms exports and the conversion of the arms industry to civil production. We demand an immediate end to the production and sale of land-mines. We also support the creation of a nuclear-free zone in Europe. The ultimate objective of our party has from the beginning been a world without arms.
14:13 The Left Party is working for a Swedish withdrawal from the European Union. A basic feature of the Union is that freedom of the market is fundamentally more important than social and environmental goals. Furthermore, national self-determination of member states is largely nullified by the undemocratic and bureaucratic power structure of the Union. The development that has led to the creation of the EU has been steered by the trans-national companies’ need for economic expansion.
14:14 We want Sweden to be an active and driving force in different forms of international co-operation. It is necessary to collaborate in order to solve many of the problems we have in common in the world. We want Sweden to pursue an independent foreign policy in all areas and we are opposed to Swedish foreign policy being subordinated to the European Union.
14.15 International co-operation must not be concentrated only on Europe. Most of the great challenges facing us today are to be found in other parts of the world. Most important for co-operation within the framework of Europe, however, is that every European nation can participate in all-European organisations to solve common problems. We want to further develop such organisations as the European Security Organisation, the Council of Europe and to promote environmental co-operation between all European countries.
14:16 Despite its weaknesses and shortcomings, the United Nations is the only world wide organisation capable of creating a new international judicial order based on sustainable development, a democratic social order, fair trade and a just distribution of world resources. However, the UN must become more democratic if it is to fulfil this function and the domination of the Great Powers must be broken.
The end of the cold war opened up the potential for global disarmament under the aegis of the UN. This opportunity was not seized. Instead the USA has consolidated its position as self-appointed world police on the strength of its status as the world’s one and only superpower.
The Left Party maintains that if democracy in the UN is to be developed, there is a strong need to abolish the right to veto and to render the composition of the Security Council more representative of the nations of the world.
14:17 Co-operation between nations, where each country chooses which organisation it wishes to join, is the best democratic model for the greater part of international co-operation. On certain issues, international co-operation can be strengthened through supranational decisions, other forms of decisions than consensus then being used. Such issues could concern environmental problems across borders, for example, or human rights, peace and security or global currency speculation. If such supranational decisions are to be taken, it must be done under open and democratic forms, the decisions must not prevent us from having our own more progressive legislation and must be clearly limited in scope. Excessive use of supranational decision-making can lead to centralism, alienation and inadequate democracy. The European Union is an example of this. The starting point for Sweden’s international co-operation must therefore always be that policies are firmly established in our own democratically elected parliament.
15:1 The Left Party organises the struggle for social justice, equal rights and a healthier environment, for international solidarity and enhanced democracy.
15:2 Our party was founded as the Swedish Social Democratic Left Party in May 1917, before the Russian Revolution. Its roots were in the labour movement that emerged during the rise of industrial capitalism. The demand for more democracy both in society and in the party was a hallmark of our first program. Universal and equal suffrage for men and women was its first demand. This was followed by the demand for full democratic rights and freedoms. The party was international in character.
15:3 Between 1919 and 1943 the party formed a section of the Communist International and was committed to following its decisions, which in turn followed the foreign policy of the Soviet Union. As a result our analysis of the world around us was shaped by the Soviet Communist Party. This meant lending legitimacy and support to political systems characterised by oppression and a lack of democracy, which were a far cry from the ideals we represented in Sweden. This was disastrous for the party. In the 1960s the party broke away from this pattern and continued on a path of renewal. Gradually the Left Party developed into an independent and in every respect a democratic party. This process was long in dispute and led to the party splitting up. Not until after the collapse of the Berlin wall did it fully come to grips with its historical mistakes.
15:4 Throughout its history, the party has conducted a persistent struggle for justice in Swedish society. The party, and its youth league, the Young Left, have also waged a determined war on racism, fascism and militarism. It has often been a forerunner in taking the initiative on major social reforms. Here we have proud traditions to build on. In later years, the party has also acquired a green profile, primarily expressed in its struggle against nuclear energy and its efforts to create conditions favourable to building an environmentally sustainable society.
15:5 We have self-critical lessons to learn from our history. Our policies are, therefore, neither based on dogma nor dependence on foreign parties. Marxism forms the party’s theoretical basis, but must be treated like other theories of political science, that is to say, critically and analytically.
15:6 We are a socialist and a feminist party. We base our political work on the analysis of today’s power structures from a class-and gender perspective. The tradition of thought based on Marxism is a living, changing thing. It can be widened and deepened, and it can be a useful tool in economic and political analysis. The women’s and environmental movements have contributed important knowledge and experience to the party. Together with humanism, environmentalism and feminism, Marxism can aid us in our understanding of the world and the society we strive to change.
16:1 The struggle for socialism is carried out in our daily lives. At work, the people strive for democracy and autonomy. In residential areas they try to gain control over their housing conditions. In the home and in society, women and men are working for equal distribution of work and of power. Aware and active consumers fight against the "use and dispose" mentality. At the same time the necessary knowledge and strength are developing to enable the people to take the responsibility for their own lives without consuming those resources coming generations are to inherit from us. A society based on social justice, welfare and democracy is what we wish to hand down to the next generation.
16:2 For the Left Party, daily political struggle is important. In Parliament, in county and city councils, we try to work constructively and to achieve results in our efforts to achieve greater social justice. This work often leads to compromises in order to reach a majority with other parties.
16:3 This does not obscure our ultimate goals. We regard the daily political struggle as a necessary part of the long-term struggle for a socialist Sweden and a world living in solidarity. In order to achieve these ends, we must join forces with broad popular movements such as other labour movements, women’s movements, environmental and solidarity movements. It is by using our capacity to mobilise and organise popular opinion that we can influence policies towards the left. A well organised extra-parliamentary struggle is a prerequisite of success for the work done inside the elected assemblies.
16:4 Swedish politics are still dominated by the conflicts between capital and labour. The Left party has consistently defended the interests of the working people and worked for justice and solidarity.
In current politics, new dimensions have emerged. A women’s perspective has deepened our socialism. Global issues concerning survival and the environment call for solidarity with future generations and a readiness to constantly renew our political analysis.
16:5 The class struggle, the women’s movement, internationalism and our endeavours to build an ecologically sustainable society are inter-linked. Without global justice, we will not find adequate backing for our environmental policies. Without ecological demands, we cannot gain sufficient support for policies of social equality. Without the women’s perspective, the struggle for justice is weakened and visions of the future will remain unfulfilled.
16:6 We live in a time of historical upheaval when the socialist left is needed more than ever. The Left Party seeks to build a democratic socialism which encompasses the whole of society and together with others create a just world, free from exploitation and oppression, a world where future generations can live.