by David Bacon
After a weekend of demonstrations involving over 10
million people worldwide, protesting an impending US war on
Iraq, opposition to the Bush plan in many countries is hardly
a question. But US military action may have political costs
that go far beyond rising unpopularity. Particularly among unions
in many countries, opposition may take a much more concrete
form.
On Wednesday, over 200 unions, on all five continents,
representing over 130 million members, agreed on a joint statement
rejecting a war in Iraq. That declaration questions the US rationale,
saying no convincing link exists between the terrorist attacks
of September 11 and Iraq's Saddam Hussein, nor evidence for
immediate threats from weapons of mass destruction. Unions signing
the statement point out that such a war would be fought overwhelmingly
by the sons and daughters of workers, and they assert that war
hysteria is being used as a pretext for attacks on labor, and
to mask the effects of a sinking economy worldwide. The appeal
ends by calling on labor to organize opposition in every country.
Such an appeal is unprecedented. During the Vietnam
War, the majority of US unions supported involvement until it
was almost over. While unions in other countries voiced opposition,
there was no common front, much less one organized at the initiative
of US labor. The appeal made Wednesday was initiated by US Labor
Against the War, a growing coalition including at least five
major national unions, three state labor federations, and many
locals and labor councils. That appeal is not simply a flowery
statement, but groups together unions who have already taken
action. In Britain, where opposition is sharpest, unions have
squared off against the support of the Labor government of Tony
Blair for an Iraq invasion. On January 9, two train engineers
refused to climb into the cab of a locomotive and pull a train
from Glasgow to the Glen Douglas military base on Scotland's
west coast, the largest weapons store in NATO. The incident
electrified British workers. Not only were the two supported
by their union, the Associated Society of Locomotive Engineers
and Firemen, but the union's general secretary warned Wednesday
that those actions would multiply in the event of war. "We
do expect more refusals," predicted Mick Rix. He added
that the bylaws of the British Trade Union Congress call for
an immediate meeting in the event of war, a provision dating
from 1918, when many unions sought to prevent the entry of European
countries into World War One. "The TUC must be convened,
so that industrial action can be considered," Rix warned.
This isn't an idle threat. Already five of Britain's
largest and most strategically placed unions have openly defied
Blair, and some call for his ouster, even at the cost of the
Labour Party's grip
on power. It is just one sign of the growing gulf that now divides
British unions, not just from the prime minister, but from the
party they created decades ago.
In Italy, where unions organized a turnout of over three
million people in the streets of Rome over the weekend (the
largest demonstration since the end of World War Two), the leftwing
General Confederation of Italian Workers (CGIL) made a similar
threat. On Tuesday the union's executive council declared its
intention of calling a general strike in the event of hostilities.
Italy's unions are locked in bitter conflict with the rightwing
government of media magnate Silvio Berlusconi, who has strongly
supported the Bush war policy. Enzo Bernardo, director of
CGIL's International Department, explained Wednesday that "the
big majority of Italians, not just workers, are against the
war. We know terrorism in our country," he added, "and
this war has nothing to do with resolving it. Our government
does not speak for the Italian people."
Pakistani trade union leader Rubina Jamil, President
of the All-Pakistan Trade Union Federation joined the call Wednesday.
Her federation represents over 5 million Pakistani workers who,
she
emphasized, are already familiar with the cost of US military
action in Afghanistan, which they oppose. "This war is
only for oil," she declared, and threatened that her federation
would organize mass demonstrations, including hunger strikes,
in front of the US embassy and consulates when any invasion
begins. In Pakistan the US depends on the increasingly unpopular
regime of President Pervez Musharraf to support its continuing
hunt for Taliban and Al-Qaeda militants, and mass labor demonstrations
against an Iraq war would create huge political problems. Joining
in the declaration of international labor opposition was Djeman
Hacene, general secretary of the International Confederation
of Arab Trade Unions, who agreed with Jamil that the objective
of intervention in Iraq was the pursuit of oil.
Among supporters of the international labor declaration,
sentiment is sharpest in those countries where governments have
aligned themselves with the Bush administration. The trade union
federation of Australia, where Prime Minister Ron Howard has
been one of Bush's most vociferous supporters, declared it was
"ashamed" of his actions. "He has no mandate
from our people," declared Sharron Burrows, the federation's
president. She also threatened industrial action in the event
of war.
Many rejectionist labor federations represent a much
greater percentage of workers in their countries than unions
do in the US, and can exact a price for political support. In
the German
elections, unions supported Gerhard Schroeder in his successful
reelection bid, when he campaigned against Bush's military policy.
Schroeder's victory indicates that other governments also may
survive or fall based on their support for war. The political
map of many countries could easily be redrawn by bitter labor
battles breaking out in factories, ports and railway terminals
at the start of an Iraq invasion. In some of those countries,
like Britain and Italy,
industrial battles may provoke a political realignment, and
support for Bush may cost those governments their hold on power.
David
Bacon is a freelance journalist and photographer.